Two Central Asian leaders were among the small group that joined Russian President Vladimir Putin in Red Square to mark the 81st anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe on May 9.
As expected, Russia’s Victory Day military parade was considerably toned down this year. Lasting just 45 minutes, it included no heavy equipment – no tanks or missiles. There were, however, North Korean soldiers participating in the parade.
While all five Central Asian leaders had journeyed to Moscow for the parade in 2023, 2024, and 2025, this year only Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev made the trip. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov was in Moscow to meet with Putin in late April in the immediate wake of Kyrgyzstan being dealt secondary sanctions by the European Union.
Last year, the 80th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany, 27 world leaders attended the parade. This year, just five world leaders – from Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Malaysia, and Laos (in addition to the leaders of internationally unrecognized South Ossetia and Abkhazia) – were in attendance. Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico was in Moscow, and met with Putin, but did not attend the parade.
Ahead of May 9, Russian defense officials said that due to “the current operational situation” there would be no armored vehicles or missile systems in the parade for the first time in nearly two decades. Concerns about Ukrainian drone strikes arguably kept the attendance list short.
Nevertheless, Tokayev and Mirziyoyev made the trek to Moscow and met with Putin on May 8 before joining him for the toned-down parade.
In the Russian readout of Tokayev’s meeting with Putin, the Russian leader honed in on the symbolism of Tokayev’s visit.
“It’s especially nice to see you today and tomorrow because, despite everything happening around this event, you found it possible to come to Moscow and be with us, with Russia, during these days. And this is the best proof of the true level of relations between Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation,” Putin said.
In response, Tokayev waxed poetic about honoring those who fought to defeat fascism and told Putin that Astana was “ intensively preparing for your state visit at the end of May.”
In his meeting with Mirziyoyev, Putin carried much the same tone.
“We recognize that in today’s circumstances, our meetings, even on celebratory occasions, are a manifestation and sign of a special relationship. A relationship not simply of friendship — I would say, of fraternal interaction,” Putin said. He also credited Mirziyoyev personally for the development of Russia-Uzbekistan relations in recent years.
These interactions illustrate a reversal of sorts in Russia’s relations with much of Central Asia. Given Russia’s size, and the complicated political history between them, Central Asia is often cast (or mis-cast) as a junior partner. It is Central Asia, in that formulation, which needs Moscow. And Central Asia does, to an extent. But the needs go both ways now (and possibly always did): Russia, more than ever, needs friends – or at least partners that don’t mind being framed as friends in public.
